The
Rt. Rev. James
M. Reardon, P.A.: “George Anthony Belcourt, Pioneer Missionary
of the
Northwest,” pp. 75-89 (Access
article in HTML) (Access
article in PDF) Canadian Catholic Historical Association, Report, 18 (1951), 75-89 George Antoine Belcourt by with
a brief history of Prince Edward Island HERE
|
"He was always a
man of the people, ready to support them in every way, a splendid type
of missionary priest, who gave himself unreservedly to the service of those among whom he labored. His life story should be of interest to all who appreciate heroic endeavour, to all who would recall the labour and the suffering that were endured to bring the faith to the aborigines and to minister to the spiritual needs of the early colonists on the western plains and on the sea-girt islands of the Atlantic." |
George
Antoine Belcourt was born April 22,
1803,
at La Baie du Febvre, Yamaska County, in the Province of Quebec,
Canada, of a family that came to that locality in March, 1738. He was
the eldest child of Antoine Belcourt and Josephte Lemire, married
February 23, 1802. His parents lived in moderate circumstances
cultivating the farm bought by the paternal grandfather in 1738. His Ancestors Settled in
Canada in 1646 from Normandy, France. ordained March 10, 1827 click for larger map |
Red River
Valley 1831 spent 2 months June 17 1831, at Lac des Deux Montagnes studying the Algonquin language,
which has an affinity with the Chippewa of the West. On April 27 he and
the Bishop Provencher embarked on a master
canoe of the Hudson’s Bay Company for a voyage over the classic trail
of the Ottawa River and the Great Lakes to St. Boniface, which
they reached on June 17, after a journey of over two thousand miles, much of it over
difficult and dangerous water courses. master_canoe 40 ft long and weighed 400 pounds empty |
established the first mission In 1832 exclusively for the savages he “understood the language of the savage better than the savages understood it themselves.” The Baie St. Paul became his official residence during all his years in the Red River Valley, |
Father Belcourt started a school in 1834, despite the Bishop’s wishes, |
printing his catechism in Chippewa language; 1838 and his grammar was published with the aid of a subscription from the clergy |
founded mission Wabassimong (White Dog) 1840 on the Winnipeg river |
Father Belcourt "went to the prairies" autumn 1845 for six weeks as chaplain to the half-breeds on their semi-annual buffalo hunt: 1776 buffaloes killed by 55 hunters in 6 weeks; choice meat, valued at 1700 pounds sterling, dried, ground to powder and mixed with fat and berries, made into pemmican for winter use in the settlement. |
see James
Reardon father's birthplace lot 34 1845,(
mother 1847 and father Reardon
August 31, 1872) Prince Edward Island in the 20th Century. During the first half of the 19th century, many Islanders managed to acquire title to their lands. In the north shore region, many lots had a higher proportion of resident ownership than in other parts of the Island. Lot 18 was largely freehold by 1850, as were lots 33, 34, 35, 36 and 37. |
take charge of Pembina
which he did in June, 1848 |
Father Belcourt arrived in
Pembina On June 1 1849, second
resident pastor in what is now North Dakota, a position he occupied
till 1859 when his sojourn in the West came to an end. |
description letter to Bishop Loras (Dubuque) 1850 printed in the Annals of the Propagation of the Faith for July, 1851 |
Fort Berthold
village of the Mandans and 1850
Gros Ventres on the Missouri |
[ a position he occupied till 1859 when his sojourn in the West came to an end] |
Father Lacombe from Montreal in
the autumn 1849 and soon was
so proficient in the Chippewa language that he was able to teach in the
school |
Father Belcourt took up his
official residence 1853 in St.
Joseph, now Walhalla, built a church, school and presbytery and the
first flour mill in North Dakota |
When Father Belcourt left Dakota
in March, 1859 he,
undoubtedly had the intention of re-entering the ministry in his native
province But it was not to be. His active career was not to end until
death summoned him to lay aside the burden of parochial administration
and seek the reward exceeding great. |
Father Belcourt
arrived Rustico November 1859,
a few weeks before Bishop McDonald resided in that parish since
consecration 1837 transferred residence to Charlottetown died December
30 |
Father Belcourt deacon at Bishop
McDonald 1860 funeral on
January 4, |
Father Belcourt resigned the
parish October, 1865 of St.
Augustine remained few weeks asking to resume charge of his Acadian
flock at Rustico: back on the Island before the end November 1865. |
continued his parochial
duties in Rustico until 1869
autumn when be retired to a farm in Shediac,
N.B., For two years he had leisure to pursue his hobbies;
but in |
he was summoned again to his
priestly duties 1871 August,
by Bishop McIntyre of Charlottetown, who appointed him pastor of
Havre-aux-Maisons in the Magdalen
Islands |
He was brought, already a
dying man May, 1874, to his
farm in Shediac and at the end of that month his death closed a career
of sacrifice and service that had brought him from his native Quebec to
the plains of Manitoba and Dakota, and thence to the bleak, storm-bound
islands of the Gulf of St. Lawrence. |
The
Call is Answered
George
Antoine Belcourt was born April 22, 1803, at La Baie du Febvre, Yamaska
County,
in the Province of Quebec, Canada, of a family that came to that
locality in
March, 1738. He was the eldest child of Antoine Belcourt and Josephte
Lemire, married
February 23, 1802. His
parents lived in moderate circumstances cultivating the farm bought by
the
paternal grandfather in 1738. Little is known of his boyhood. His home
training
was undoubtedly similar to that given in the ordinary family circle
among the
French Canadians where love of God, loyalty to the Catholic Church and
obedience to lawful authority were inculcated as fundamental principles
of
everyday life mind conduct. He received his first Communion in 1814 and
was
confirmed by the Bishop of Quebec. From
the
local school he passed to the Petit Séminaire at Nicolet, then
in the
Diocese
of Quebec, but an episcopal see since July 10, 1885. He entered it at
the age
of thirteen and, at the end of his philosophical course in 1823, was
enrolled
in the theological department where he completed his studies for the
priesthood
and was ordained March 10, 1827,
by Archbishop Panet of Quebec, in the
seminary
chapel. After
several assignments as assistant in different parishes he was appointed
pastor
of Ste. Martine, Chateauguay County, in the baptismal register of which
he made
his first entry on October 2, 1830, and his last on February 21 of the
following year. His knowledge of English enabled him to be of service
to the
Irish Catholics in the neighbourhood. While
he
was pastor of this parish an event occurred which changed the whole
current of
his life, and precipitated him from the comparative ease and security
of a
pastoral charge in the Province of Quebec, into the hardship and hazard
of a
missionary adventure which was to endure for almost three decades of
unremitting labor among the Indians of the western plains of Canada and
the
United States. As a young levite he had dreamed of such a career, and,
shortly
after ordination, offered himself for missionary work in the Red River
colony
in what is now the Province of Manitoba, but for a long time there
seemed to be
little prospect that his offer would be accepted. |
In
the Red River Valley When
Father Belcourt arrived in St.
Boniface he was the third priest in the
mission,
the others being Fathers Harper and Boucher. He was immediately
assigned to the
Cathedral to assist the Bishop, with the understanding that he devote
every
spare moment of his time to the study of the Chippewa language as a
prerequisite to the work of christianizing them. It was a difficult
language to
learn as there was neither text book nor dictionary. He
was the first
to
dedicate himself to the laborious ministry of instructing the savages
of the
Red River and in that capacity he rendered eminent service to religion.
He
possessed unusual linguistic ability and made such rapid progress in
his
studies that in a year he was prepared to instruct the Indians. As
early as
August 2, 1832, he wrote to a
friend in Quebec, ‘Already my tongue
begins to
bend like that of a Chippewa and to gabble a little Cree,” and, less
than two
years later, he “would rather write in Chippewa than in French.” One
who knew
him well declared that he “understood the language of the savage better
than
the savages understood it themselves.” In 1832 he
established the first mission exclusively for the savages at Prairie
Fournier
(Baker’s Prairie) sixty miles west of St. Boniface but, owing to the
raids of
the ‘Gros Ventres’ had to abandon it the next year. He transferred the
mission
to Baie St. Paul, thirty miles nearer
St. Boniface and twelve miles
west of White Horse Prairie in
1834, where he began the
arduous
task of
teaching the
Indians how to farm and cultivate the arts of civilized life while
instructing
them in religion. On a tract of land given by Governor Simpson of the
Hudson’s
Bay Company he erected a log chapel, twenty feet square, with living
quarters
for himself, and several small cabins for the Indians surrounded by
diminutive
farms to be cultivated by them. Baie St. Paul became his official
residence during all his years in the
Red
River Valley, and for a long time it
was the
only parish with a resident pastor. This
method of dealing with the savages was a radical departure from the one
in
vogue prior to his time when the Indians were first christianized and
then
domesticated, and ultimately it did not prove a success. Although the
Bishop
did not approve the plan because the Indians were of a roving
disposition, he
permitted Father Belcourt to have his own way for the sake of peace and
harmony, procured from the H.B.C. hoes and plows, and supplied a yoke
of oxen
to aid the savages in cultivating the soil and planting potatoes and
maize. During
the
first year Father Belcourt estimated that he had one hundred and fifty
Indians
attending religious instruction, of whom he baptized seventy-five. He
had to be
very prudent in admitting the neophytes to baptism. Their sincerity had
to he
tested. Moreover, the women and children who would embrace the faith
had to
defer to the decision of their elders, many of whom were polygamists.
Another
obstacle to conversion was the scandalous lives of many Catholics and
the
diversity of doctrine characteristic of Protestant denominations
working among
the Indians. It
was not
until 1836 that Father Belcourt had the consolation of admitting to
First
Communion five neophytes who had been under instruction for three years
– the
first fruits –of the Chippewa nation in the middle West. The social
degradation
of the savages had an effect on his work. The tendency of the converts
was to
revert to the level of the tribe. Many of the baptized returned to
their former
modes of life and were christians only in name. This was a source of
great
discouragement to him. In
the
meantime he had acquired an ascendancy over the minds and hearts of the
half-breeds
that increased with the years. They had fullest confidence in him and
were
convinced that he had their welfare at heart. As early as 1834 he was
called
upon by Governor Simpson to use his influence to disperse a mob bent on
attacking Fort Garry to avenge an injury inflicted on one of their
number by a
clerk in the Company’s employ. He
persuaded them to return peacefully
to their
homes and secured a monetary indemnity for the injured man.
At
the
suggestion of Bishop Provencher Father Belcourt went to Rainy Lake in 1838 to
investigate the possibility of opening a mission among the Indians of
that
locality, but he decided against it because the H.B.C. persisted in
supplying
the Indians with rum of which they were so inordinately fond that they
were
unwilling to exchange it for the gospel. Later on, however, he was to
sow the
seed of faith in that stony soil despite the competition of the
Wesleyan
ministers who were entrenched there.
In
August
of that year {1838 } he went to Quebec to arrange for the
publication of his
grammar
and dictionary of the Chippewa language and, on December 4, Archbishop
Signay
confided to him the pastoral care of St.
Joseph’s, Point Levis, which
he
administered “with a zeal that produced the most happy results.” The
Society for
the Propagation of the Faith agreed to underwrite the cost of printing
his
catechism in the Chippewa language; and his grammar was published with
the aid
of a subscription from the clergy. He also issued a pamphlet of
one
hundred and
forty-six pages in French on “The
Principles of the Sauteaux Idiom” for
the
convenience and instruction of prospective students. In answer to the
appeal of
the savages to whom he had ministered, and despite the opposition of
his
relatives and the plea of his parishioners, he went back to Baie St.
Paul the
next spring {1839 } and was welcomed by the Bishop who desired
him to finish
his dictionary as soon as
possible and prepare some one to succeed himself
on the
mission. In
the
autumn he visited Rainy Lake and Duck Bay but it was too late in the
season to
start a mission and he retired to Bane St. Paul for the winter months
and
employed his mechanical skill in carving one hundred and thirty oak
balusters
for the sanctuary of the Cathedral and one hundred and fifty
candlesticks for
the chapels and side altars. In the year 1840 he founded a mission at Wabassimong (White Dog) on the Winnipeg river, three hundred miles east of the colony, where he built a log chapel dedicated to Our Lady of Mercy, and houses for the savages with the usual small fields around them, and supplied them with cattle from St. Boniface – a duplication of the plan followed at Baie St. Paul. The colony disappeared in less than ten years either for lack of a christian foundation or because of the apathy of the Oblates to whom he confided it in 1848 and who maintained that it furnished few christians and no farmers. In a letter to the secretary of the Archbishop of Quebec, Father Belcourt said that he had seventy-four catechumens at Wabassimong when he turned it over to the Oblates and an excellent farm well stocked with animals and farm implements of all kinds; that indifference and laziness had plunged that unhappy tribe into a worse state than the first and made the neighboring people more difficult to convert; that the chapel had been sold and nothing left but the ruins. He added that his mission at Baie St. Paul and that at White Horse had not seen a priest for a year. “It will suffer the fate of Wabassimong.” In the autumn of 1845 Father Belcourt "went to the prairies" for six weeks as chaplain to the half-breeds on their semi-annual buffalo hunt and, in a letter published two years later at Quebec in connection with the Northwest missions, gave a vivid pen-picture of the excitement and spirit of adventure connected with it. He amplified the description in a letter to Bishop Loras of Dubuque in 1850 which was printed in the Annals of the Propagation of the Faith for July, 1851. During the hunt 1776 buffaloes were killed by 55 hunters in six weeks and the choice meat, valued at 1700 pounds sterling, dried, ground to powder and mixed with fat and berries, made into pemmican for winter use in the settlement. He was back at Baie St. Paul on October 24 {1851} and spent the winter teaching the Oblate Fathers who had recently arrived the Chippewa language.Among
his pupils was the youthful Father
Taché
destined to
succeed Bishop Provencher and to be the first Archbishop of St.
Boniface.
In
the
spring there was an epidemic of dysentery and measles and he was kept
so busy
ministering to the stricken that he had to forego the annual visitation
of his
missions and stations. At the earnest solicitation of the half-breeds
he went
with them on their summer hunt and his services as a physician were in
such
constant demand that he exhausted his supply of medicine and had to
replenish
his stock at the trading-post of the federal agent in the Fort Berthold
village
of the Mandans and Gros Ventres on the Missouri, where he was given an
opportunity to preach to these tribes, through an interpreter, and had
the
happiness of baptizing fourteen children and instructing two hundred
adults
before returning to the hunters’ camp to evade the warlike Sioux. These
excursions did not interfere with his spiritual work. He spent the
summer
travelling throughout the West, founding missions, building chapels and
saying
Mass in different localities from Rainy Lake to the Saskatchewan river,
returning each winter to Baie St. Paul. He
came
into conflict with the H.B.C. on the question of its alleged monopoly
of the
fur trade as it became increasingly arbitrary in its dealings with the
half-breeds especially. The upshot of it was that, on February 17,
1847, he
prepared, at their request, a petition to the Queen of England seeking
a redress
of their grievances. It bore the signatures of nine hundred and
seventy-seven
half-breeds and was taken to England by James Sinclair and presented to
Her
Majesty’s Government through the Society of St. Thomas of Canterbury
whose zeal
in defending the rights of Catholics merited the highest praise. A
similar
petition was sent by the English. speaking members of the colony. These
petitions caused quite a stir in England. Earl Grey, the Colonial
Secretary,
asked that the charges be made more specific, consulted officials who
were not
in sympathy with the demands of the petitioners and finally decided to
drop the
matter. The influence of the Company was a determining factor. In
the
meantime the Archbishop of Quebec, at the request of Governor Simpson,
recalled
him from the Red River. When he arrived in Montreal {1847}
he immediately took
up the
gauntlet, wrote the Governor who was in the East, demanding a full
retractation
of the charges and notifying him that, if it were not made in formal
and
acceptable terms, he would be summoned to justify his action before the
Society
of St. Thomas of Canterbury. The Governor was alarmed and tried to make
out
that it was a misunderstanding for which the Factors were to blame. He
expressed regret for the injustice done Father Belcourt and asked the
Archbishop to send him back to the Red River to resume his missionary
work.
Father Belcourt declined to return except to Pembina, maintaining that
he had
been forced to leave the Red River and the Indians to whom he was so
tenderly
attached and who were in despair at his departure. |
In
the Land of the Dakotas
On
June 1,
1848, Father Belcourt arrived in Pembina, via Detroit, Galena
and St.
Paul, to
resume the work of evangelization relinquished by Father Dumoulin in
1823, and
was welcomed by pagans and christians. He was the second resident
pastor in
what is now North Dakota, a position he occupied till 1859 when his
sojourn in
the West came to an end. Before
the
end of the year he erected on the west bank of the Red River a log
chapel, 20
by 30 feet, the sacristy of a larger church to be built later on. It
was even
then too small for the congregation, affording standing-room only, with
the
consequent forfeiture of pew rent, an important item for an
impoverished
pastor. The furnishings were most meager. There was no bell, no censer,
no
ostensorium and only a very small ciborium borrowed from Bishop
Provencher. He
had one first Communion class, and ninety-two catechumens – half-breeds
and
savages – under instruction. They were diligent and docile. His first
baptism,
that of Francis Cline, was on August 14. He bought grain for seeding
and had a
few cows and oxen. His daily Mass was attended by one or more members
of each
family even in the coldest weather. He also built a presbytery, 16 by
20, with
two small rooms and a community room and bought lumber for other
buildings to
be erected the next summer. Shortly
after his arrival Father Belcourt realized the poverty of the mission
and wrote
the Secretary of the Archbishop of Quebec that he would starve were he
not able
to sell his handiwork as a joiner and carpenter. The people were too
poor to
offer anything for his support. For two years he was forced to exist on
two
hundred dollars sent him by the Bishop of Montreal, and out of that he
had to
pay for building materials brought from St. Paul, six hundred miles
away. He
had fifty children in school and all the instruction was in Chippewa.
His
greatest need was for a Canadian priest who could speak that language
to assist
him. As
if in
answer to his prayer Father Lacombe came from Montreal in the autumn of
1849,
and soon was so proficient in the Chippewa language that he was able to
teach
in the school. They lived in a log house built for their accommodation
while
the original presbytery was occupied by Miss Lefebvre, the school
teacher,
Isabelle Gladu, the housekeeper, a half-breed cook and other servants –
a
rather costly household for a missionary who had to have recourse to
manual
labor for his daily bread. In
the
meantime he was not forgotten by his friends north of the line, who
appealed to
him in their difficulties. When a half-breed named William Sayer, and
three
others, were arrested in March, 1849, for the illicit purchase of furs
from the
Indians, action was taken by their friends to prevent their conviction.
An
appeal was made to Father Belcourt who counselled them to fight, if
necessary,
for their rights. When the accused were brought to trial three hundred
armed
half-breeds, under the leadership of Louis Riel, surrounded the Court
House and
intimidated the Judge. The accused were acquitted and the half-breeds
jubilantly declared that thereafter trade was free. Public opinion
forced an
end to the monopoly of the H.B.C. Some
time
in 1853 Father Belcourt took up his official residence in St. Joseph,
now
Walhalla, built a church, school and presbytery and the first flour
mill in
North Dakota, thus taking an active part in the industrial as
well as
the
religious development of the country. He visualized it as “the greatest
center
of the West,” the metropolis of the future, the capital of the state
that was
to be. It was laid out for a big city with large squares and wide
streets
crossing each other at right angles, on a plateau two hundred feet
above the
river which ran through it and provided water power adequate for all
purposes.
The soil was fertile and there were indications of iron ore and coal in
the
vicinity. All it needed to fulfil its destiny was a garrison and a few
public
buildings to prove that the United States Government would protect its
citizenry; but these requisites of a modem city were slow in coming,
notwithstanding the efforts made by Father Belcourt to convince the
government
of their necessity. From
St.
Joseph he travelled in all directions over the state and evangelized
the whole
of the Turtle Mountain region. To his teaching is mainly due the
present
civilization of the Chippewa Indians in North Dakota and across the
border; and
it was largely because of his influence that they did not join the
Sioux in the
uprising of 1862. Bishop Shanley of Fargo declared that “If any
Catholic priest
more than another had done meritorious and lasting work for the benefit
of the
state, George Anthony Joseph Belcourt was the man.” Of all the priests
of
pioneer days in North Dakota he was the most worthy of honor. The winter excursions were hazardous in the extreme. That of 1850 almost ended disastrously for him, his guides and dog teams. They were caught in a blizzard, floundered through the drifting snow till they came to the ridge of the mountains which they followed to the shelter of the loftiest peak in the range which rose to a height of 580 feet above the plain. They burrowed into the snow and waited for the storm to abate. He offered a Mass of thanksgiving for their delivery on January 25, the feast of the Conversion of St. Paul, blessed a great wooden cross, planted it on the summit of the hill, which he named Butte St. Paul, and dedicated it to the conversion of the Indians of the vicinity. In the course of time the cross disappeared; but eighty years afterwards its well-preserved butt, eighteen inches long and as large as an average telephone pole, was discovered and a cairn twelve feet high erected to mark the spot, a commemorative bronze plaque set into it, and ten acres surrounding it designated a state park. A few years later the surviving relatives of Father Belcourt granted permission for the removal of his remains from Memramcook, New Brunswick, to the foot of Butte St. Paul for interment in the soil blessed by his apostolic labors. The second world war prevented the carrying out of the project which has been in abeyance ever since. Father
Lacombe withdrew from the mission in 1851, joined the Oblates of Mary
Immaculate,
and became the famous “Blackrobe” of western Canada. He was succeeded
by Father
Fayolle for about a year and after an interval Father Goiffon was sent
from St.
Paul to become the successor of Father Belcourt in the Pembina area. In
November, 1860, this good priest was caught in a blizzard for five days
and had
to have his right limb amputated at the knee and his left at the ankle.
Despite
this handicap he was a pastor in the Diocese of St. Paul for over forty
years. The
Catholic Almanacs from 1854 to 1859 enable us to visualize some of the
more
important undertakings of Father Belcourt. St. Joseph was a prosperous
mission
of 1500 half-breeds with a school directed by the Sisters of the
Propagation of
the Faith, a religious community of half-breeds founded by him to teach
the
children in English, French and Chippewa. They had one hundred pupils
under
their care in the academy presided over by Mother Francis Xavier, the
Superior,
and two of them were in charge of a school in Pembina. The community
did not
number more than seven and went out of existence shortly after Father
Belcourt
left for the East in March, 1859. In November, 1854, he made a trip to Washington and was asked to submit in writing the grievances and demands of the people of Pembina. He asked that the Government make a treaty with the Indians for the purchase of their lands and give the half-breeds a feudal right to their holdings; prohibit the hunting of the buffalo on the western plains by half-breeds from Canada; put a stop to the traffic in intoxicants fostered by the H.B.C. among the Indians south of the line; station in Pembina a permanent garrison to protect the citizens in their constitutional rights and defend them against the incursions of the Sioux who terrify them, steal their horses, prevent the cultivation of the fields and even murder them with impunity. To do that effectively the officer in charge of the troops should be authorized to arm the half-breeds, if necessary, to aid in putting an end to these depredations. With the guarantee of such protection thousands of half-breeds would migrate from the Selkirk Settlement to the Pembina area because they dislike the H.B.C. and its dealings. He
also
asked for assistance in maintaining the school established six years
previously
for the teaching of English, French and Indian in which nearly one
hundred
children follow courses in reading, writing, arithmetic, mathematics,
astronomy, domestic science and music. In addition to that he had
nearly as
many studying christian doctrine two hours every day. After
the
recall of Father Fayolle in 1855 Father Belcourt was without an
assistant in
St. Joseph and Pembina. In 1857 he was anxious to visit Quebec but
could not
leave the mission unattended. His only companion was Brother Timothy of
the
Brothers of the Holy Family from St. Paul, a young man of zeal and
energy, who
wore the soutane and made himself useful about the place. Father
Belcourt also
attended Pembina and in November of that year was host to Bishop
Taché
and two
priests in the little presbytery of the Assumption. The Bishop had a
narrow
escape from drowning while crossing the Red River. The ferry boat,
overloaded
with horses and carriages, began to ship water as soon as it left the
wharf and
the Bishop had to jump into the river up to his waist in cold water to
escape
being drawn into the channel, and to remain an hour in it before
reaching the
bank. After the publication of his grammar in Quebec in 1839 he made several efforts to find a publisher for his dictionary of the Chippewa language. Finally the Smithsonian Institution in Washington agreed to do so provided he would supervise the work and correct the proofs. He was unable to accept the offer because he could not afford to live in Washington while the book was coming from the press. For years the manuscript was preserved in the episcopal residence at St. Boniface. It was ultimately published under the direction of Father Lacombe and was invaluable to all who wished to learn the language. It is in French and Chippewa and ‘gives the etymology of each word, and the complete particles which throw much light upon the knowledge of this language and enables one to seize the genius of it.” The author tells us that the language is richer than it is commonly thought to be and bears a great resemblance to the ancient languages, especially the Greek, with which it has much in common in the manner of forming words by the use of radicals. This makes the learning of it difficult at first, nearly equal to the learning of two languages, but it gives great facility in expressing one’s thoughts accurately and forcefully. |
A
Decade on “The Island”
When
Father Belcourt left Dakota in March, 1859, he, undoubtedly had the
intention
of re-entering the ministry in his native province and spending the
remainder
of his days in the peace and quiet of a pastoral life far removed from
the
stirring scenes and strenuous activity of the western plains where he
had
passed nearly thirty years as a missionary among the Indians and
half-breeds.
But it was not to be. His active career was not to end until death
summoned him
to lay aside the burden of parochial administration and seek the reward
exceeding great. Shortly
after his return from the West, the Right Reverend Bernard D. McDonald,
Bishop
of Charlottetown, P.E.I. wrote Archbishop Turgeon of Quebec requesting
the
services of a French-speaking priest to take charge of the parish of
Rustico
with the mission of Hope River, and Father Belcourt was selected for
that
purpose. He
arrived
in Rustico November 1, 1859, a few weeks before Bishop McDonald, who
had
resided in that parish since his consecration in 1837, transferred his
residence to Charlottetown where he died on December 30. Father
Belcourt was
deacon at the Bishop’s funeral on January 4, 1860. The
Church
of St. Augustine, built under the direction of the Bishop, served as
the
Cathedral of the diocese for more than twenty years. It was a frame
structure
of generous proportions, with a three-storey square campanile,
surmounted by a
cross, with side doors opening into the vestibule. The interior was
unfinished
until 1845. It was the largest and most beautiful church in the
diocese. In it
Father Belcourt performed his first official act –the baptism of
Modeste Doucet
on December 11, 1859 – the beginning of a pastorate extending over a
decade of
years, during which he built the stone structure which still serves as
the
parish hall, and established the Farmers’ Bank which was in active
operation
from 1864 to 1892. To
complement and enhance its work the pastor organized a study club,
known as the
Institute, whose members met twice a month to receive instructions from
him.
All had to be total abstainers from intoxicants. Furthermore, to
encourage the
reading of good books he established a parish library and for several
years
received from Emperor Napoleon III a gift of one thousand francs
through the
good offices of his friend, the historian, Rameau de Saint-Père,
who
kept up a
friendly correspondence with him for fourteen years and aided him in
his
colonization projects on the mainland. At each meeting one of the
members had
to give a summary of the book he had read since the previous meeting. He
installed a carillon of three bells in the church tower and, with the
aid of
Professor Landry, organized a band which was for many years the pride
and glory
of the parish. Not
long
after he came to the parish he cruised a tract of land in Kent County,
New
Brunswick, which Bishop Sweeney of St. John had secured from the
government for
colonization purposes. He was accompanied by Joseph Arsenault and Felix
Poirier
of Egmont Bay, P.E.I., and guided by Jean Louis Girouard of St. Mary’s
in Kent
County. The survey was made in 1860 and, four years later, the first
settlers –
from Egmont Bay and Rustico – took possession of their holdings on what
was known
as “the Bishop’s land” now part of the parish of St. Paul in Kent
County, New
Brunswick. In
October, 1865, Father Belcourt resigned the parish of St. Augustine
and, on
return to Quebec, was appointed pastor of St. Claire in Dorchester
County, where
he remained only a few weeks before asking to be allowed to resume
charge of
his Acadian flock at Rustico. He was back on the Island before the end
of
November. Father Beleourt’s claim to remembrance lies not only in what he accomplished in establishing parishes and laying the foundations of the Church, but even more perhaps in his training of other missionaries in the Chippewa language. His dictionary and grammar of this language have been indispensable aids to others who have followed him in this field. He was a linguist of more than. ordinary ability, who spoke and wrote English, French and Chippewa with ease and fluency. He grasped the genius of the Chippewa language with rare perspicacity, and he was an authority without peer on the history, traditions, customs and character of the Indians and half-breeds of the West. He wrote text-books, catechism and prayerbooks, as well as his grammar and dictionary, and throughout his missionary career he kept up a voluminous correspondence, much of which is preserved in the diocesan archives of Quebec and Montreal. One article on the Hudson Bay Company fills thirty pages in the first volume of the Minnesota Historical Collections, 1850 to 1856. His letters reveal the character of the man. He possessed a forceful personality, a high degree of intelligence, a keen mind and indomitable courage. He was a man of action and vision, somewhat fickle and self-willed, not to say obstinate, easily discouraged and extremely sensitive, but withal, devoted and generous in the service -of God and his fellowmen. He possessed mechanical ability of a high order, was a skilled carpenter, an expert joiner and blacksmith, a designer and builder of houses, schools, boats, carts, farm implements and a grist-mill. He was a willing and tireless worker, but a poor team-mate, because he wanted his own way, regardless even of the wishes of his superiors. He was always a man of the people, ready to support them in every way, a splendid type of missionary priest, who gave himself unreservedly to the service of those among whom he labored. His life story should be of interest to all who appreciate heroic endeavour, to all who would recall the labour and the suffering that were endured to bring the faith to the aborigines and to minister to the spiritual needs of the early colonists on the western plains and on the sea-girt islands of the Atlantic. |
http://www.gov.pe.ca/infopei/index 3. English Settlement from 1774 to Confederation In August 1755 the Acadian settlers were expelled from the Bay of Fundy by the British. Many came to PEI and the population approached 5,000. The Island was as much a refugee camp as a colony. In 1758, the British, having taken the fortress of Louisbourg for the second and final time, rounded up French settlers on PEI and deported them. There were only about 300 Acadians remaining, mostly south of Malpeque Bay and also around Rustico and Souris, when the Island was formally awarded to Britain in 1763. Since the fall of Louisbourg, there has been pressure on the British Crown to award land on the Island to influential petitioners. In 1764, Samuel Holland arrived to do a survey of PEI. He divided the Island into 67 townships or lots, each of which was supposed to contain 20,000 acres; one small lot, nominally of 6,000 acres; and three town-sites with attached royalties, one in each county. In 1767, the British Board of Commissioners conducted a lottery in which the townships were awarded to petitioners. Each new proprietor agreed to pay quitrents to the Crown and to settle his lot with 100 Protestant, non-British persons within 10 years. However, the interest of most proprietors in their holdings was like that of the typical modern stockholder in his shares. Speculation was common. Many of the lots quickly changed hands, conditions of tenure were rarely honoured by the proprietors, rents went unpaid and a land-ownership problem was created that would trouble the Island until after Confederation. Settlement patterns in the early years of the British regime to some degree repeated those of the French as settlers moved up the Hillsborough River. Settlers were also planted at various locations round the Island coastline, particularly the north shore. Only a few proprietors tried to settle their lots, but before 1800 some communities grew up along the north shore which were stimulated by proprietary interests. Most notable was the settlement of the Tracadie Bay area in 1770 to 1775 by Captain John MacDonald of Glenalladale. MacDonald, owner of lots 35 and 36, brought over several hundred Scottish Highlanders who established farmsteads around both sites of Tracadie Bay. Contrary to the conditions of proprietorship, these settlers were Roman Catholic. Also in the early 1770's, lots 18 and 20, on the east shore of Malpeque Bay, were settled by Protestant Scottish Lowlanders. By 1775 there was a population of several hundred in this area. In 1773, 120 settlers came to the New London area; they were also Protestants - Lowland Scots and English. In the Covehead area, a number of Protestant families settled in 1775 to 1780. French families remained in the Rustico area. The largest single emigrant group, 800 Highland Scots, were brought to the Belfast area by the Earl of Selkirk in 1803. Ethnic and religious patterns established during these final years of the 18th century have persisted to some degree down to the present. These groups along the north shore - Protestant Scottish and English predominating, with concentrations of French around Rustico and Roman Catholic Highlanders from Tracadie Bay to St. Peters - gradually brought virtually all the land along the coast under cultivation. Transportation patterns tended to be east-west in orientation during these early years. People travelled up and down the Hillsborough River and along the north shore. The Island's first ferries operated across the mouths of the north shore bays and estuaries. The first interior roads connected Charlottetown to Malpeque and St. Peters. Then subsidiary roads were developed to connect the new settlements with these principal roadways. By 1850, the Island's basic road network was complete. Beginning in the 1830's substantial numbers of Irish Roman Catholics immigrated to the Island from northern Ireland, particularly County Monaghan, bolstering earlier immigration from that country. In 1769, the Island, which had been administered from Nova Scotia, was granted separate government. Since the Island government was to be financed by quitrents from the proprietors and since they continued to evade their financial responsibilities, land ownership remained a hotly contested issue. When the first organized British census was taken in 1798, the population of PEI was found to be 4,372. Steady net immigration continued for almost 100 years. In 1891 the population reached 109,000. But from then on, population declined steadily until reaching a low of about 88,000 in the 1930's. 4. PEI in the 20th Century During the first half of the 19th century, many Islanders managed to acquire title to their lands. In the north shore region, many lots had a higher proportion of resident ownership than in other parts of the Island. Lot 18 was largely freehold by 1850, as were lots 33, 34, 35, 36 and 37. The lots around St. Peters and Savage Harbour (38, 39 and 40) were purchased by the provincial government in 1854 under the terms of the first Land Purchase Act. On the other hand, there was a fair amount of tenant farming in lots 20 and 21 until the 1870's. By the time of Confederation, about 50 percent of the lots in PEI were in freehold tenure.. The 1875 Act giving the Island government the power to force landlords to sell their holdings expedited this process. Land ownership was made possible for the former tenants by lease purchase agreements. A higher proportion of land had been cultivated and farms tended to be more prosperous in the north shore region between Malpeque and Tracadie than east of Tracadie - though there were many individual exceptions. Mixed farms once predominated throughout the province. Today while there are some large dairy or potato operations, specialization has been more common on other parts of PEI than in the central north shore. The growth of tourism in the 20th century has been one of the major facts of life in the north shore region. The national park was established in the 1930's but little development took place in the park until the late 1950's and early 1960's. Even before the park, there was probably greater acceptance of tourism in the regions west of Tracadie Bay than to the east. Only with increased leisure and greater mobility has the impact of tourism been felt acutely. For instance, until the 1950's there was only one ferry crossing from PEI to the mainland and only a few crossings were made each day. Clearly, there was a limitation on the number of tourists who could get to the Island at any one time. Once they got here, transportation was limited. Roads were poor and the railway was slow. For several years after 1907, it was even illegal to drive a car on Island roads. In fact, it was the PEI Tourist Association which led the fight (opened by 1919) to have roadways opened to cars! A few roads were paved in the north shore region in the late 1930's - e.g. the route from Charlottetown to Rustico. However, it wasn't until the late 1950's that paving was common in the area - about the same time that rural electrification reached the quiet north shore. |